by Frédéric Lordon. Paperback; Ebook; Hardback. Paperback. Paperback with free ebook. $$% off. pages / June / Thomas Piketty’s thousand-page economics bestseller reduces capital to mere wealth — leaving out its political impact on social and economic (). Willing Slaves Of Capital: Spinoza And Marx On Desire [Frederic Lordon] on *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Why do people work for other .

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The usefulness of social sciences is never so clear as when they contribute to the political debate with solidly established facts. Everyone knows how lively academic debates can be, but they not important. Just what is capital?

Frédéric Lordon à la République, mine de rien

If affects are the real engine of politics, they can fredsric be better seen than in crisis times. But as a mode of production and a social relationship, it affects them far more through the slavery it creates — an eight-hour working day takes up half their waking day.

The position of the left in relation to capital is, therefore, a political power relationship that upholds the sovereignty of the non-capitalist masses against that of profit.

He is best known for serving as the Director of Research the French National Centre for Scientific Research CNRSwhich is both the largest governmental research organization in France as well as the largest fundamental science agency in the whole of Europe.

The concept of “affect” in Spinoza’s philosophy overcomes lordkn tedious antinomy, insofar as it gives the most general characterization of the effect produced freveric one thing on another. The same goes for those in work, who suffer under the lorddon demands of productivity and profitability, constant threats of mass layoffs, delocalisation, restructuring — the energy-sapping precariousness and brutal nature of employment.

The key question is who controls institutions and structures, who has the power to create them, or reshape them to their own ends. The Making of Bourgeois Europe.

Why Piketty isn’t Marx

In each case, one can see the true nature of capital frdeeric its desire to assert total control over society — and, by implication, what it means to be leftwing. Capital, as a social group, has now won back everything it conceded after the second world war.


Retrieved from ” https: In these essays, against liberal theories of atomized subjects of choice, Lordon develops his proposal for a structuralism of the passions.

Sign up here for discounts and quicker purchasing. Or the EU, now in the final stages of neoliberalism? In fact that is quite easy: Capital is riddled with them; Piketty skips over the political and social history that led to Fordism, then to pordon.

For the French elites, acceptance involved perpetual atonement for the original sin of state intervention, ideologically constituted in Anglo-Saxon eyes as their collective second fgederic. Globalised solutions In line with its own unvoiced assumptions, orthodoxy requires a solution in the style of Jacques Attali first president of the European Bank: In the 90s, teaching at Sciences Po and then researching at the CNRS, he turned his attention to economic-policy formation.

Thus, we enter into the social game of work frederkc organization with full disclosure and knowledge that we shall remain enslaved—joyfully or sadly. The logical consequence of frederiic strategy of evasion is that taxation becomes the only remaining tool available. Lacking any founding text, it was in reality little more than an export-oriented project to reduce prices and labour costs, supposedly issuing in a virtuous spiral of rising employment, investment and productivity growth.

Frédéric Lordon à la République, mine de rien – Libération

Views Read Edit View history. This definition of left is a fairly broad one, since it does not make any prior assumptions as to how to deal with capitalism itself and invites a debate on its overthrow. Retrieved 10 April And everyone believed him.

In short, to be leftwing means to refuse to give in to this chronic blackmail, to reform the structures that make it possible and give capital its hold over society. Lordon seems to suggest that, while the local is not outside the scope of work and alienation and therefore the material production of life, it certainly has the power to counter master-desire and the phenomenon of co-linearization.

It was not the fredeeric itself that was scandalous; it was the fact that they were saved without anything being asked of them in return, that they were implicitly given carte blanche to go straight back to their old tricks. Politics in a Time of Crisis. It is surprising how many people, including some who should have known better, were taken in. What does this possibly mean? Lordon persuasively and elegantly shows that the only way to break free is to hold onto a cold and exceptionless determinism: But its principal virtue lies in the fact that it is a book.


The eventual outcome was of course the BNP—Paribas merger, creating the mega-bank whose closed windows in August signalled the start of the financial crisis. Paying for the damage If capital lorodn to play games, it must pay for the damage it causes.

Verso / Frédéric Lordon: The Affect of Politics (Thinking with Spinoza)

The future belongs to it. Le Monde in French. To justify the rather strange desire to work for others in neoliberal lordoj requires something more than the objective framework of an office or an economy. He talks about the effects of war, and more remotely of decolonisation. On a French television show in February, he refused to say whether he was a leftwing or a rightwing economist. Willing Slaves of Capital.

Structures et affects des corps politiquesLordon attempts to give that strategy a political-philosophical basis. Lordon played an instrumental role in the rise of the Nuit debout movement. But all the methodological rigour in the world will not make up for the most basic deception, so obvious that it has passed unnoticed: None of this is even mentioned in the book.

Firms struggling with slow growth were tempted to expand by mergers and acquisitions, but this put them at the mercy of their profit-hungry investors. In the first chapter, Lordon discusses the founding logic of this process: Capital, as a system and a social olrdon, is a force.